Friday, March 11, 2011

Curios Case of Selfish-ness in India

The Recent news caught my eye on a news channel where a converted
Christian Still want to get benefit of Notorious Kota System of Indian
Constitution on Basis of Creed and Caste.
This example shows how badly our kota system needs review and
Overhauling.
___________________________________________________
The Gujarat High Court has rejected a plea filed by a converted
Christian seeking access to benefits extended to him earlier as a
Scheduled Caste Hindu.

While a state government panel held that he had converted, the
petitioner denied doing so and challenged the cancellation of a
Scheduled Castes certificate issued to him.

The bench of Chief Justice SJ Mukhopadhaya and Justice JB Pardiwala
refused relief to petitioner Nimesh Zaveri and said he and his family
members could not enjoy the benefits after conversion.

Zaveri had obtained a Scheduled Castes certificate from the state
authorities. After a complaint that he had converted to Christianity, a
scrutiny committee issued show cause notice to him seeking his reply.

In his reply, he denied converting to Christianity and claimed he
continued to be a Scheduled Caste Hindu.

The committee, after considering all the aspects, directed the
cancellation of the caste certificate given to Zaveri and his family. It
held that he and his family had converted.

A single judge bench upheld the order of the committee against which
Zaveri preferred an appeal before the division bench.

The division bench noted, in an order made available Monday, that the
committee relied on an affidavit of Zaveri before an executive
magistrate July 5, 1990.

"The affidavit stated that he had converted to Christianity by baptism
on July 14, 1987 and he had declared that he and his children will not
be known as 'Hindu Vankar' (caste) but as 'Indian Christian'."

The scrutiny committee found that Priest Samuelbhai Ukabhai Parmar had
issued a certificate registering the petitioner in the Methodist Church
June 18, 2002 on the basis of baptism conducted July 14, 1987.

In the marriage invitation card of Zaveri's sons, they were described as
Christians.

The judges said these findings and the refusal of grant of relief by the
single judge did not call for their interference and dismissed the
appeal.

Present Dalit (Scavengers) Situation in India

The word oppressed, perhaps, conveys, in the nearest sense, the meeting
of the word Dalit. The oppression of a set of people in society can have a
very wide connotation. I, however, would like to concentrate and confine
my talk to the word Dalit being equated with those who are engaged in the
profession of scavenging i.e. manual cleaning of excreta of others. Before
Independence of our country they were called untouchables. Existence of
this class of people is peculiarly related to the Indian caste system which
even today prevails in India.
In Indian caste system particularly among Hindus, each caste is
traditionally associated with a particular occupation. This phenomenon is
so striking that one can say that caste is nothing more than the
systematization of occupational differential. The most downgraded
occupation was considered to be cleaning or sweeping and removal of
human and animal excreta. Where scavengers were concerned the
concept of pollution, of being tainted by association or touch or at times
even by shadow persisted. In India, caste system crept in amongst
members of other religions, as well, even if it did not get associated with
ethico-religious ideas; in practice, though, in other non-Hindu religious
groups caste hierarchy, as amongst the Hindus, regulates inter-caste
relations. The concept of polluting influence of a member of a lower caste
may not prevail among the converts or their descendants, but lack of social
interaction continues to prevail more or less to the same degree as it did
* Founder
Sulabh Sanitation Movement
Sulabh Gram, Mahavir Enclave, Palam-Dabri Marg, New Delhi-45
Tel. : 011-25032617, 25032654, Fax : 011-25034014
Email: sulabh1@nde.vsnl.net.in, Website : http://www.sulabhinternational.org,
www.sulabhtoiletmuseum.org2
during their erstwhile membership of the caste to which they belonged,
before getting converted. This is explained by the fact that the majority of
the members or their descendants of any religious group in India have
been converts from amongst the Hindus. This is true in India of Muslims,
Christians, and Sikhs.
The scavengers are also known as Bhangis (considered derogatory) ,
Balmiki, Chuhra, Mazhabi, Rangreta, Lalbegi, Hela, Hari, Dom, Dhanuk,
Thoti, Pakay, Mukhiyar, etc.
The names of scavenging castes suggest that they are a functional
community recruited from many different racial and social groups. It is very
likely that one of the reasons that may have led people belonging to the
lowest strata to take to the profession of scavenging especially in the
urban areas was the compulsion, arising due to economic necessity. The
great variations in the physical features of the different sections of this
community, and also the varied recruitment from higher castes of “broken
men*”, outcasts, destitutes, etc. show that the members of various castes
have joined this profession at different points of time obviously owing to
economic compulsions. It is also generally believed that after the advent of
the Muslims in India ‘sweeping and scavenging’ seems to have taken the
form of a formal profession. It is said that the system of bucket privies was
designed and constructed by Muslims for their women in ‘pardah’. Those
who were made captives, were forced to clean latrines, bucket privies and
throw off the night-soil at distant places. These captives when freed, were
not accepted by the society and they formed a separate caste and
continued the work of scavenging. During the British period with the setting
up of army cantonments and municipalities, a large number of people were
required to do these services on a regular basis. How could the imperial
masters suffer the indignity of being seen going out to answer the call of
nature! The white man’s burden, a-la-Kipling, which a white burdened
himself with, became the headload of scavengers.3
The religion of the sweepers and scavengers is a curious mixture of
various faiths. They profess to be Hindus, Muslims, Christians, Sikhs and
tribals. They stand at the very bottom of the social ladder. Though all
religions, except Hinduism, preach the social equality of all men, they
refuse to recognise them as brethren in the faith. They are compelled, on
the ground of “untouchability”, to do scavenging or sweeping or to remove
any carcass or to flay any animal. The “compulsion” includes a threat of
social* or economic boycott. It was untouchability and the practice of social
discrimination amongst the Hindus that was largely responsible for
conversion to another faith. But the scourge of untouchability never really
left those who converted. The change of religion did not bring about any
significant change in their occupation or social status. It, however, infused
a feeling of greater solidarity amongst them towards members of their own
community than towards other members of their religion. For example, a
Hindu Chuhra will readily marry a Chuhra girl belonging to Muslim or
Christian religion and vice versa, while being reluctant to marry a mate of
the same faith, but outside their caste.
The hereditary occupation of the scavengers has been scavenging -
removing night-soil and cleaning of latrines, removal of filth, dead cattle,
sweeping of houses and roads.
In a large number of States, the job of scavenging of private
latrines have been municipalised. It is estimated that about
two-thirds of the scavenging population works as municipal
employees and the remaining one-third is engaged in the
cleaning of bucket privies in private houses. Though, those
engaged in private houses consider themselves superior the
wages paid to them are lower than those of the municipal
employees. The scavengers of private latrines are in a very
disadvantageous position as compared to the municipal
scavengers. Their housing condition is also far from
satisfactory. The habitation of these people is the filthiest spot,4
very often near and around a public latrine or a dumping
ground and far from their place of work.
Generally where latrines in private households are cleaned by
scavengers privately and not on behalf of the municipality,
scavengers acquire scavenging right which also become
hereditary. Each scavenger acquires a right to clean a specific
number of latrines, as against another scavenger by mutual
undertaking or agreement.
Some scavengers are noted for their musical ability. They are
also very good music band masters and play on ‘Sehnai’, a
musical instrument. In their spare time they make baskets,
mats, weaving fans or sieves, etc. They also work as village
menials and agricultural labourers, watchmen, drummers,
trumpeters and town-criers. During an eclipse the sweepers
make good earnings; for it is believed that ‘Rahu’, the demon
who devours the sun and moon and thus causes an eclipse,
was either a sweeper or the deity of the sweepers, and alms
given to them at this time will appease him and cause him to
let the “luminaries” shine again. As soon as the darkening sets
in they go about shouting ‘Grahandan’, ‘Vastradan’,
‘Rupadan’, etc.
The sweepers also work as hangman tying a rope round the neck of a
criminal shouting ‘Dohai Sarkar, Dohai Judge Sahib, Dohai Darogaji’ in
order to shelter himself under their authority and escape any guilt attaching
to the death. The hangman is accompanied by four or five other sweepers
of the caste panchayat. The hangman receives some money as his fees.
They also work at the burning ghats and are called ‘Doms’. One can
always find sweepers in all the mortuaries attached to the hospitals.
The jobs of scavengers is not only undesirable, polluting and tedious, but
is also low paid. Within the scavenging castes some sections are superior
to others, depending upon the type of work a particular section is doing.5
The lowest place is generally occupied by those who carry night soil and
the highest by those who have given up scavenging.
The scavenging population has grown considerably. In census 1961, they
were returned not by profession of scavenging alone but their caste
names, (such as Mehtar/Bhangi, Dom/ Dhangad, Mazhabi and Hari/ Hadi
etc.) and were 35.32 lakhs which number rose to 59.28 lakhs in 1971.
Those amongst the scavenging communities, engaged in the profession of
scavenging in 1961, numbered 8,02,400, of whom 3,86,725 were
Scheduled Castes constituting 48.20 per cent of the total work force and
the remaining 51.80 per cent were non-Scheduled Castes, such as
Muslims, Christians.
The Task Force constituted by the Planning Commission (1989) had
estimated the number of scavengers belonging to Scheduled Castes as 4
lakhs of whom 3.34 lakhs (83 per cent) were in the urban areas and
67,220 (17 per cent) in rural areas. In the urban areas, 2,06,62 were males
and 1,27,167 females. There may be another 3 lakhs from other religious
groups, like Muslims, Christians and Tribals and thus the total number of
persons engaged in scavenging may be more than 7 lakhs. The Task
Force had also estimated that the total number of dry latrines in the
country was 76.4 lakhs, of which 54 lakh were in the urban areas and 22.4
lakhs in the rural areas.
A rapid survey to identify scavengers and their dependants, undertaken by
the State Governments and Union Territories recently, revealed that there
were 6,84,742 scavengers who were actually engaged in manual
scavenging in 22 States/UTs. The survey is still incomplete in some
States.
The magnitude of the problem of the sanitation is enormous. According to
2001 census there are 122 million households (63.6%) in the country
which do not have any kind of toilet facility. Of these 108 million (78.1%)
are in the rural and 14 million (26.3%) in the urban areas. Thus, there are
63.6% households in the country people from where go for open6
defecation. The census has also given the figures of service latrines (dry
latrines) viz. in 13 million households (6.9%), 6 million (4.5%) in rural and 7
million (13%) in the urban areas. These service latrines are cleaned by
manual scavenging.
The first sanitation bill was introduced in India in 1878, which envisaged
construction of public latrines within the limits of municipalities in Bengal
and also to levy fees for cleaning public and private latrines. The provision
of the Bill was taken as part of the Bengal Municipal Act, 1876. In Punjab,
the Punjab Municipal Act, 1911 (amended from time to time) provided that
if a customary sweeper failed to perform scavenging, in a house or
building, in a proper way and at reasonable intervals, the occupier of the
house or building could complain to a magistrate who, on receiving such a
complaint, would hold an inquiry and if it was found that the customary
sweeper had failed to perform the scavenging in the house, the magistrate
had authority to impose upon the sweeper a fine extending to Rs. 10, (a
great sum in those days). Under the provisions of the Act, the municipality
could, at any time, undertake the scavenging of any house or building on
request or with the consent of the occupier. A similar provision was made
in the other States’ Municipal Acts. Later concept of imposition of
conservancy tax, developed, at times, as a separate tax and at times was
included in the property tax.
In 1993, the Parliament passed the Employment of Manual Scavengers
and Construction of Dry-Latrines (Prohibition) Bill, to abolish scavenging
and ban the construction of dry latrines. Seventeen States and Six Union
Territories have adopted this Act by passing resolutions in their
Assemblies. The remaining states have not followed suit. Parliament also
passed the National Commission for Safai Karamcharis Act, 1993 (as
amended) setting up a National Commission for Safai Karamcharis to
recommend to the Central Govt. specific programmes of action towards
elimination of inequalities in status, providing facilities and opportunities for
Safai Karamcharis under a time-bound action plan.7
Fortunately, however, the unsatisfactory condition of scavenging work in
this country began to draw the attention of social workers as well, since the
beginning of the last century. The credit of awakening the sanitary
conscience of the people goes largely to Mahatma Gandhi himself. He
drew the attention to the problem as far back as 1901 and again in 1908.
He sat an example by ensuring that no scavenger was engaged in the
Ashram set up by him at Sabarmati (locality of Ahemdabad in the State of
Gujarat) in 1918. Mahatma Gandhi once said, “I may not be born again,
but if it happens, I will like to be born in a family of scavengers so that I
may relieve them of the inhuman, unhealthy and hateful practice of
carrying night soil.”
It was in 1968 i.e. the year of Gandhi Centenary celebration
commencement that I was assigned the task of finding out an alternative to
scavenging and in 1970 I launched Sulabh Sanitation Movement by setting
up, social voluntary non-profit organisation, Sulabh Shauchalaya Sansthan
to carry forward the movement which combined in itself sanitation
technology and humane ideology.
The crux of the problem was devising a system which would dispense with
the need of engaging scavengers to clean human excreta, from the
individual households. After extensive research and ground work I came
up with a simple and cost-effective low-cost technology of two-pit pour-
flush toilet popularly known as Sulabh Shauchalaya.
In India, prior to this the systems that prevailed were and continue to be of
sewrage and the one based on septic tanks. The sewerage was introduced
in India in 1870 but only in the civil lines. There were no toilets in the Indian
Railways. Either it was in 1909, when one Okhil Chandra Sen encountered
a very awkward situation owing to nature’s call while travelling in a
passenger train. Being forced by the intensity of the call he had to get
down from the coach on the platform at Ahmedpur station just to relieve
himself of the pressure but in doing so, he had the ill luck of being left
behind on the platform as the train left the station as per guard’s signal.8
Being aggrieved, he lodged with the Sahibganj Railway Division, Bengal, a
complaint which prompted the British authorities to provide attached toilets
in railway coaches used by Indians. The sewerage system, however, is
prohibitively costly. In sewerage system the sullage/sewege is either
drained out directly in the water bodies or through the Sewage Treatment
Plant. The STPs involve costly maintenance and normally are in a state of
disrepair. There is the fact also of poor maintenance of the sewerage pipes
which lead to pollution. The septic tanks require periodic cleaning either
through machines which are costly to maintain or are either unavailable or
where so available mostly remain dysfunctional. It also means dumping the
sludge at a far away place for atleast a couple of years before it becomes
pathogen free.
On the other hand the twin-pit pour-flush water-seal attached Sulabh toilet
system was found to be cost-effective, technologically appropriate and
culturally acceptable. It is environmental friendly, pollution free,
economises water use and has the biggest advantage of on-site disposal.
It was this which brought about a revolution in waste matter treatment and
disposal.
The Sulabh technology has been approved not only by the Centre and
State Governments, but also by WHO, UNICEF, World Bank, UNDP, etc.
and was considered as one of the Global Urban Best Practices in the
Habitat-II Conference, held at Istanbul, Turkey in June, 1996. UNCHS
(Habitat) has also conferred the 2000 Dubai International Award on Sulabh
for the “cost-effective and appropriate sanitation system” for improving the
environment. The Economic and Social Council of United Nations granted
Special Consultative Status to the Sulabh International Social Service
Organisation.
But I was not satisfied with bringing up a new technology only. Besides,
were formulated a number of schemes to liberate the scavengers from
their degrading occupation, to bring them into the mainstream of the
society by providing them opportunity, to be engaged in alternative9
employment, imparting vocational training, quality education and
attempting upgradation of the status socially by persuading the elite to
have social interaction with them.
At Sulabh’s initiative a meeting was organised in March 1981 in which
participated representatives of the Ministries of Works and Housing and
Home Affairs of the Central Government and representatives of the
Government of Bihar. It was decided in the meeting that a comprehensive
scheme should be introduced in the selected small and medium towns on
the whole town approach basis by conversion of the existing dry latrines
into water pour flush latrines. The scavengers so liberated were to be
given alternative and dignified employment without any loss of income and
any time gap after giving them some vocational training. The scheme was
started in March 1981 in the two towns of Bihar. The scheme was
subsequently taken up in other states as well. The scheme worked well in
all the states.
A basket of schemes has been formulated by Government which is a
mixture of training programmes with stipends and grants for setting up
employment oriented projects with varying components of loan, subsidy
and margin money etc. The primary objective of the scheme is to wean
away the scavengers from their demeaning task and to rehabilitate them
and to convert the bucket privies to the flushing system on Sulabh model.
Of 7 lac scavengers about 50% have been rehabilitated. The
implementation of the schemes, however, has been rather tardy and hardly
13% of the privies were converted by the end of 8th plan period.
The problem is gigantic. The number of households in urban areas alone
without any toilet facility is nearly 14 million. The main reasons for the slow
progress of the scheme are inadequate subsidy, no financial assistance for
superstructure, the loan amount being small and general apathy of the
state Govts. towards this programme. The local bodies cannot avail of
loans because the municipal finances are in poor shape and most of the10
local bodies cannot be funded without state guarantee. There is need for
the involvement of NGOs like Sulabh, user education and motivation (IEC).
Sulabh International Social Service Organisation, which is a non-profit
voluntary organisation working in 26 states and 3 union Territories, 1019
local bodies, 1050 towns and 400 districts, has constructed more than a
million Sulabh Shauchalayas all over the country in addition to about
6,000 pay and use community toilets which are used by 10 million people
daily. Sulabh has liberated 60,000 scavengers from the demeaning
practice of manual scavenging, provided vocational training set up English
Medium Public School for scavengers’ children at New Delhi and installed
118 biogas plants for generation of energy and bio-fertilizer.
The practice of manual scavenging in India violates the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights, adopted and proclaimed by the General
Assembly of the United nations on December 10, 1948, the preamble of
which speaks of recognition of the inherent dignity and of equal and
inalienable rights of all members of the human family which is the
foundation of freedom, justice and peace in the world” The scavengers
who have been made untouchables and slaves in their own country, need
protection under the Charter. It is hoped that this practice will be abolished
soon. That even fifty five years after independence, the inhuman and
degrading practice of manual scavenging of night-soil is still prevalent, in
certain parts of the country, is an affront to human dignity and a social evil.
The crucial issue of right to live with dignity has now been taken up in the
country by the National Human Rights Commission which has urged all the
State Governments to take urgent steps to eliminate this practice and to
rehabilitate scavengers by 2nd October, 2003.
One can forget about the past and have the satisfaction of not feeling
responsible for what has happened but what is worrying is the present
continuous if I may say so. For, it is this which determines the future
scenario. But, I am sure, with arising awareness, will of the Government
and the efforts of the NGOs the situation which is improving, is bound to11
improve further. I hope till such time the scourge of scavenging becomes a
bad dream.

Introspective Silence Befalls Bali, but Only for a Day

The resort island of Bali fell quiet over the weekend as the authorities shut down its airport and seaports, and switched off all radio and television transmissions. Its streets, normally jammed with tourists, were deserted as security guards patrolled the island, ensuring that locals and foreigners alike stayed indoors, and even exhorting them to turn off their lights.

The authorities closed down Bali not to stamp down on political unrest, but to mark the annual Day of Silence, a Balinese Hindu holiday called Nyepi that ushers in the New Year. For a full 24 hours starting at 6 a.m. Saturday, Balinese Hindus were urged to remain silent and engage in introspection. Bali, which first became known as a destination among hippies from the West a couple of generations ago, tuned in and dropped out, at least for the day.

“Have a quiet time! Enjoy the silent day!” Wayan Sutama, 51, a traditional security guard called a pecalang, called out to a group of potentially unquiet Australians gathered on a terrace overlooking the beach here. With a half-wary smile, he flashed them a thumbs-up.

In Kuta, a rowdy beach resort on the southern tip of the island, only roosters and pigeons, usually drowned out by the din, could be heard Saturday. The pecalang peered down side streets in search of transgressors but found only other pecalang looking back, or the occasional stray cat.

As the last redoubt of Hinduism in Indonesia, the nation with the world’s largest Muslim population, the island of Bali has been attracting increasing numbers of outsiders in recent years, thanks to its booming tourism industry. While Hollywood romanticized Bali in the recent movie “Eat Pray Love,” Indonesians, mostly Muslims from the islands of Java and Sumatra, have been gravitating here looking for jobs. The tension between local tradition and outside forces is perhaps at its most intense in Kuta, where Islamic extremists bombed a nightclub in 2002, killing 202 people, and bombed three restaurants in 2005, killing more than 20 people.

In reaction, officials in Bali have been reinforcing local customs, especially those of Nyepi. Three years ago, they began sealing off Bali from the rest of Indonesia for 24 hours after tour organizers were caught smuggling in tourists on the Day of Silence as part of “Nyepi packages.” At the same time, the authorities banned radio and television and, last year, extended the ban to all satellite transmissions.

“The lesson from the Bali bombings was to return to our traditions and not be too influenced by outsiders,” Mr. Sutama said Saturday. He and another pecalang, Nengah Renda, 51, spoke as they faced a memorial for the bombing victims on Kuta’s main commercial strip; behind them, a lingerie shop called 69Slam featured an image of a woman with a man on all fours attached to a dog leash.

The day before, in one of the many local temples squeezed between shops in Kuta, the residents of a neighborhood called Pande Mas had been putting the final touches on their ogoh-ogohs, effigies 20 feet tall representing evil spirits that would be burned later. “After chasing away the evil spirits, we have Nyepi to purify our minds, to reflect on what we did in the past year and to engage in introspection,” said Made Mastra, 52, the neighborhood chief. “Then we will be clean to enter the new year.”

Neighborhood boys, who can often be seen rubbing shoulders on Kuta’s streets with Australian, Asian and European tourists, were required to make their own ogoh-ogohs. On Saturday, a group of boys, led by Wayan Putra Setiaman, 14, said they would obediently stay home, not daring to step outside lest they be caught by the pecalang.

They would not be allowed to use their television sets.

“But we can send SMSs to our friends as long as we’re quiet?” he said, zeroing in on a subject under debate among the pecalang.

How about video games?

“Yes,” he said.

“No!” said another boy, Wayan Wima Putra, 10, said, tapping the older boy across the chest.

“No,” the older boy corrected himself, explaining that videogames connected to television sets were forbidden but that portable ones were O.K.

Even as Bali has reinforced its traditions, some outsiders said it had lost a bit of its legendary openness. Ucok, 41, the manager of a tattoo shop who moved to Bali from Sumatra 15 years ago, said he and other Muslims felt a little “discrimination.”

“Since the bombing, the locals are more suspicious toward Muslims,” Ucok said, adding that outsiders would nonetheless keep coming here. “Bali is like sugar. Ants come to it.”

Made Darsana, 59, the deputy chief of one of Kuta’s three subdistricts, said outsiders were occupying an increasingly larger share of the population.

On Saturday, Mr. Darsana and a dozen pecalang were taking a break from their patrol at a temple where they quietly shared fried rice. Mr. Darsana, who spoke English with an unmistakably American accent, said he learned English about 40 years ago from an American Indian named Joe. Joe was among the hippies who discovered Bali, back when Kuta had perhaps a single guesthouse, Mr. Darsana said. “Life isn’t about material things, about tall buildings,” he said. “It’s about being one with the world. That’s the core teaching of Hinduism. I didn’t know this when I was younger. You learn these things as you live. Been there, done that.”

With development and the influx of outsiders, Bali’s environment has been irreparably damaged, he said. Outsiders now owned almost all the major businesses in Kuta.

“It’s sad,” Mr. Darsana said. “We now have only our culture.”

His smile and constant cheerfulness, though, belied his expression of loss. Despite the Day of Silence, Mr. Darsana grew increasingly loquacious as he reminisced about his hippie youth — hanging out with Joe, mastering the surfboard as well as the bong, taking a three-day drive all the way to Jakarta. “And my girlfriend was in the back,” he added, to roars of approval from the subdistrict chief as the other pecalang nearby immediately chided him in unison, “Shhhh!”
Sheepishly, Mr. Darsana mentioned that, at night, he himself would make sure that his neighbors turned off any electric lights or candles. “It’s going to be like Kuta in the 1960s,” he said. After a long pause and perhaps some memories left unmentioned, he added. “Been there, done that.”